A Disaster Waiting To Happen: Why was it that for nine years the party in power, a party with its roots in the coal mines of the West Coast, failed to introduce the "belt and braces" safety regulations so crucial to a modern mining industry? Why was Labour, of all parties, so slow to repair the deregulatory damage inflicted upon the industry by the National Party in the early 1990s?
IT WAS A SPARK igniting lethal levels of methane gas that
killed the twenty-nine Pike River miners. But, as the grim report of the Royal
Commission on the Pike River Coal Mine Tragedy makes clear, the immediate cause
of the disaster is of less interest than the manifold failures which allowed the
spark and the gas to meet.
Other New Zealanders will write about the failure of the
Pike River Coal Company to adequately care for its employees’ safety. Much will
be said about the bureaucratic failings of the Department of Labour. There will
be critical scrutiny of the National Government’s decision to disband the Mine
Inspectorate.
But the name of this column is ‘From the Left’, so my focus
will be on the party of the workers; the party whose founders came from the
West Coast pits around Blackball; the party of the coal miners’ trade unions;
the party which for nine long years did nothing to prevent the tragedy which,
in such a criminally deregulated environment, was only ever a matter of time.
Labour took control of New Zealand’s state apparatus on 27
November 1999 and relinquished it on 8 November 2008. During that time three
Labour MPs held the Labour portfolio: Margaret Wilson (1999-2004); Ruth Dyson
(2005-07); and Trevor Mallard (2007-08).
All three of these politicians came into Parliament with
strong left-wing credentials. And all of them, I’m sure, wanted to do only good
things for the people they represented. How, then, are we to explain their
inaction? Their failure to impose a state-of-the-art health-and-safety
regulatory regime on New Zealand’s coal-mining industry?
Throughout
the nineteenth century, the dangers facing workers underground, and the disasters
which so regularly took their lives, provided a powerful moral impetus for
labour movements all over the world – including New Zealand’s. In 2007 workers’
safety campaigner, Hazel Armstrong, wrote: “The 1890s’ West Coast coalfields
have been evocatively described as a ‘slough of despond’. They were notoriously
hazardous working environments: ‘There’s always blood on the coal’, miners
said.” It’s why the story of Paddy Webb’s 1908 fight for the Blackball miners’
rights became as ingrained as coal-dust in the political memory of Labour Party
people. How could three successive Labour Ministers have forgotten so much?
Roots: The Labour Party traces its origins to the bitter industrial struggles of West Coast coal miners in the early years of the 20th Century.
The
late Bruce Jesson offers a plausible explanation in his 1999 book Only Their Purpose Is Mad: “Somehow or
other, the politicians … had been persuaded that politics is an irrational and
harmful activity. This followed from the firmly held Treasury belief that the
marketplace is the source of rational behaviour ….. It is assumed that
politicians will always bring an irrational influence to bear on events, not
just because they are irrational, but simply because they come from outside the
marketplace.”
This
became an article of faith for the “Rogernomes” of the fourth Labour Government,
and in spite of the many ideological and electoral challenges of the 1990s (not
least from the Alliance and NZ First) it remained the core assumption of most
members of Helen Clark’s cabinet. There was no appetite in the Clark-led Labour
Government for a return to the so-called “heavy-handed” regulations of the
past. As the source of rational behaviour, the market was still considered
uniquely capable of regulating itself. Tragically, it has taken the Pike River
disaster to expose the fatal falsity of that belief.
Following
the Royal Commission Report’s release, Labour leader, David Shearer, was asked
if he thought the deregulatory pendulum had swung too far. Mr Shearer responded
by saying that “the government needs to be much more hands on than it has
been”.
It is
to be hoped that these words reflect a genuine change of heart on Labour’s
part, and that the next time they’re in office, Labour politicians will not
hesitate to prevent the private sector’s “drive for production” (and profits) from
pushing workers’ rights to effective workplace protection off the agenda.
Because
if there’s “blood on the coal” at Pike River – Labour helped to put it there.
This essay was originally published in The
Dominion Post, The Waikato Times, The Taranaki Daily News, The Timaru Herald, The Otago Daily Times and The
Greymouth Star of Friday, 9 November
2012.
1 comment:
The market is in fact the irrational factor. Politicians are supremely rational by contrast. If they think is going to lose them votes – it's canned.
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