Targeted: The great bundle of bearish energy that is my friend, Martyn “Bomber” Bradbury, could not understand why, suddenly, his usually supportive bank was refusing to rollover his website’s, “The Daily Blog’s”, overdraft. Bradbury was not to know that, a short time before, the Police had asked for and been given access to his bank accounts. Nor that the very fact the Police were asking had inscribed a large and very black mark against Bradbury’s name.
ONE OF THE DANGERS of keeping secrets is that the measures required
to conceal them all-too-often end up revealing them. The unprecedented Police request
to present secret evidence to the Human Rights Commission, for example, raises
all sorts of questions about what, or who, they are trying to protect.
The great bundle of bearish energy that is my friend, Martyn
“Bomber” Bradbury, could not understand why, suddenly, his usually supportive bank
was refusing to rollover his website’s, “The Daily Blog’s”, overdraft. Bradbury
was not to know that, a short time before, the Police had asked for and been
given access to his bank accounts. Nor that the very fact the Police were
asking had inscribed a large and very black mark against Bradbury’s name. Only
later would he discover that his bank had not only failed to demand the
production of a search warrant, but also neglected to inform Bradbury that the
Police were in possession of his financial records.
If this story sounds familiar it’s because it is practically
identical to the experience of another left-wing journalist, Nicky Hager. Like
Bradbury, Hager was believed to have knowledge of the identity of the hacker
calling him or herself “Rawshark”. It was Rawshark who, by his or her own
admission, had hacked the computer of Cameron Slater, at that time the
proprietor of the “Whale Oil Beef Hooked” blog. It was Rawshark’s purloined
trove of Slater’s private e-mails that provided the controversial detail of
Hager’s best-selling 2014 exposé, “Dirty Politics”.
In the course of their investigation of the theft of
Slater’s e-mails, the Police not only sought and received (once again without the
necessary authorisation) Hager’s bank records, but they also raided (this time
brandishing a search warrant) his Wellington home and seized his computers.
Subsequent legal challenges by Hager’s lawyer, Felix
Geiringer, established that the Police had obtained their search warrant
improperly. The issuing judge had not been told that Hager enjoyed the legal
protections of a journalist. Also exposed was the practice of Police
investigators seeking and being supplied with individuals’ private financial
information by an alarming number of the country’s biggest banks. The upshot
was the return of Hager’s seized property, the communication of an official
Police apology, and the payment of an undisclosed (but reportedly substantial)
sum of money to New Zealand’s leading investigative journalist by way of
compensation.
When Bradbury discovered that he had fallen victim to the
same Police investigation as Hager, and that his reputation and privacy had
been similarly violated, he laid a complaint with the Human Rights Commission.
Over-worked and understaffed, the Commission took two years to get to
Bradbury’s case. In the wake of the Hager settlement, however, Bradbury was
confident of a favourable outcome.
His dismay upon discovering that the Police had applied to
the Commission for permission to present evidence against him in private is
easily imagined. Evidence, moreover, that Bradbury, the complainant, would not
be permitted to view or challenge. Up until that moment, Bradbury, like most
complainants to the HRC had been representing himself. Now he discovered that
he was up against not only the serried ranks of the NZ Police, but also the
be-wigged attorneys of Crown Law.
The question is, of course, Why? What, precisely, is the
nature of the information which the Police are so determined to keep from
public view?
Could it be that the information upon which the Police were
persuaded to launch their extraordinary investigation had been supplied to them
by one or both of New Zealand’s two national security organisations: the
Security Intelligence Service and/or the Government Communications Security
Bureau?
If so, then questions would have to be asked about the legal
justification for placing journalists and bloggers under such surveillance. Had
the requisite interception warrants been supplied – and on what grounds? That
Hager and Bradbury were fierce critics of government policies? But, since when is
political opposition grounds for spying on New Zealand citizens?
The suspicion arises that in 2014-2015, in some unspecified,
possibly unlawful, and highly secretive way, the country’s national security
apparatus was working hand-in-glove with senior elements within the police to
silence and punish a couple of outspoken critics of the National-led 2008-2017
Coalition Government.
Such a pity that equivalent, over-zealous, investigative
efforts were nowhere in evidence when the Christchurch Shooter was planning his
homicidal attack.
Disclosure: The author
is a personal friend of Martyn Bradbury, and a long-time paid contributor to The
Daily Blog.
This essay was originally published in The Otago Daily Times
and The Greymouth Star of Friday, 5 April 2019.
4 comments:
If only they had put some of this energy into researching RWNJ terrorism, or investigating more fully the Christchurch terrorist's application for a MSSA license. Oh sorry, is that just searching for scapegoats?
In spite of the fact that we are constantly told about the professionalism and efficiency of our secret government intelligence agencies, I doubt if they attract anyone really intelligent, or anyone remotely left-wing, and if someone from the left applied I doubt they would get a job there. Let's hope something positive arises out of some form of investigation after Christchurch. Because at the moment is difficult for me to get past the penthouse and pie in a briefcase meme.
Just do their jobs properly. National is no longer in office and power. G
et it right.
It tells a definite tale of the political alignment of NZs "security" services. The question for me is how we the people keep ourselves safe from the incursions of the apparatus of state agencies?
The next question is who are they reporting to and how much of their activities are reported upon?
I reckon it is time to reform these agencies whilst they stagger from their dismal failure in Christchurch.
Well the inclination to disuade the powers that be from such frolics is plainly known on this side of Tasman and that is ICAC. The Independent Commission against Corruption in NSW.
Very effective indeed. A person has to answer but none of it is admissible in a trial of the person compelled.
It works here and will in NZ
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