Showing posts with label English Civil War. Show all posts
Showing posts with label English Civil War. Show all posts

Monday, 12 August 2024

Keir Starmer's "Standing Army".

Defending England From Itself: Those dismissed as “far right thugs” don’t hate the refugees holed-up in hotels because they’re Muslims, or because their skins are a different colour, they hate them because they are changing a lifeworld Englishmen like themselves no longer feel able to defend, and which no one – least of all their iron-fisted “Labour” government – is prepared to defend for them.

KEIR STARMER’S promise to create a “standing army” of specialist riot police undoubtedly evoked a number of disturbing historical associations. Not the least of these would have been the Cromwellian Commonwealth of the 1640s and 50s. The one and only time the British Isles have lived under a republican form of government was made possible by the existence of a large standing army. Indeed, without Oliver Cromwell’s “New Model Army” it is doubtful King Charles I would have lost the English Civil War – let alone his head! Inspired by the ideals of radical puritanism, it was Cromwell’s “plain, russet-coated troopers” who ensured the victory of Parliament over the Crown.

That said, the New Model Army would likely strike contemporary Englishmen and women as something akin to the Taliban in breastplates. Even in the Seventeenth Century, the heavy-handed imposition of the puritans’ abstemious and censorious version of Christianity provoked alarm and despondency.

While Cromwell and his standing army ruled, Bibles in one hand, swords in the other, “Merry England” fell silent. The Puritan-dominated Commonwealth Parliament closed all the theatres and ruthlessly enforced their no-frills observance of the Sabbath. Determined to root out “paganism” in all its forms, the Puritans cut down village maypoles and outlawed the celebration of Christmas!

With Cromwell’s death, England fell under the sway of the New Model Army’s Major-Generals. For a brief period the country was forced to endure a military dictatorship.

The British people’s longstanding hostility towards the maintenance of large standing armies was born out of these bitter experiences. Radical ideology, backed by armed men, has been seen as profoundly un-English ever since.

All the more reason, then, to wonder at Starmer’s use of the term in relation to the violent civil disturbances which have shaken the British people over the past fortnight. It is possible that the United Kingdom’s new prime minister promised to create a standing army of special police in complete ignorance of the term’s historical resonances. But, even if he did, the promise is fraught with danger.

Sir Robert Peel, the British prime minister responsible for the creation of the British police force was careful to reject the idea of modelling his new law enforcement body on the armed French gendarmerie. Aware of the British people’s deep aversion to being ordered about by men with guns, Peel was the original promoter of “policing by consent”. Prior to Peel’s force, the quelling of public disorder had largely been left to the “Redcoats” – soldiers who tended to shoot first and not ask questions later.

Outside of Northern Ireland, it is many years since the British Army has been called to the aid of the Civil Power. This is hardly surprising, since the issuance of such an appeal is the last resort of a state under immense internal pressure. After calling out the armed forces, there is no one left to summon. If soldiers cannot restore order, then the next step is full-scale revolution.

What does it mean, then, that as anti-immigrant rioting peaked across north-west England some Members of Parliament were openly calling for the UK Defence Force to be unleashed upon its own people?

Sadly, it means that the UK political class, like Cromwell’s radical puritans, no longer sees itself as an integral part of the body politic, but as something extrinsic to it. The puritans believed themselves to be the elect of God, a holy minority of true Christians whom the Almighty had already predestined for paradise. The contrast between themselves and the sinful majority, all headed for the endless chastisement of hellfire, could hardly have been sharper.

The contrast between today’s puritans (often labelled “woke”, a term they heartily despise) and the rioting crowds of rock-throwers and arsonists who do not share their betters’ love for refugees and migrants, is every bit as pointed. What’s more, in their hearts, Starmer and his Labour colleagues know that for every angry protester on the street waving the Union Flag and England’s red cross of Saint George, there are hundreds more watching the action unfold on their screens – and urging them on.

The irony of all these riots breaking out along Labour’s “Red Wall” can hardly be lost on its newly-elected MPs. Nor the fact that in so many of the seats Labour reclaimed from the Tories, Nigel Farage’s anti-immigrant Reform Party came second. While Starmer and his Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, promise the perpetrators of “far-right thuggery” a lengthy holiday at His Majesty’s expense, and the UK’s terrifying Director of Public Prosecutions, Stephen Parkinson, threatens to incarcerate Freedom of Expression along with them, the yawning gulf between rulers and ruled grows ever greater.

It is tragic that no one entrusted with the running of the UK has thought to wonder publicly what could possibly inspire sufficient rage to render otherwise ordinary people capable of attempting to set fire to a hotel containing scores of terrified refugees.

The go-to explanation for the Prime Minister, and for the UK’s mainstream news media, is that the riots are the work of “far right thugs”. This is, in part, a plausible charge, inasmuch as a great deal of the disinformation carried by social-media has, indeed, been the work of white supremacists and outright fascists.

It is wide of the mark, however, at the level of the working-class lad marching alongside his mates in the name of the community they all grew up in, but which is now fast dissolving before their eyes. These youths do not come from Far Right families. There was a time when all of them voted, with an almost religious fervour, “not for the iron fist, but for the helping-hand”. For Labour.

These guys don’t hate the refugees holed-up in the hotels because they’re Muslims, or because their skins are a different colour, they hate them because they are changing a lifeworld Englishmen like themselves no longer feel able to defend, and which no one – least of all their iron-fisted “Labour” government – is prepared to defend for them.

What do they want from Keir Starmer? They want a “standing army” to protect their communities from being overwhelmed by a flood of refugees and immigrants (more than two million in the last two years) that they did not ask for and cannot absorb.

What are they being offered by Keir Starmer? A standing army of special coppers bearing a frightening resemblance to the ones who cracked their father’s heads during the Miners’ Strike of the 1980s. Or, for those among them who know even more of their nation’s history, to Cromwell’s standing army of radical puritans who silenced Merry England in the 1650s.


This essay was posted on the Bowalley Road blogsite on Monday, 12 August 2024.

Friday, 10 December 2010

Injured Majesty

Ruler by Divine Right?: The Maori King, Tuheitia, has unilaterally dismissed the Chair of the Tainui Parliament, Tania Martin. The King's advisors argue that Tuheitia's status as paramount chief of his people over-rides the democratic elements of the Iwi's constitution. The English King, Charles I, asserted something similar in 1641 and sparked a civil war.

IT WILL BE an interesting test.

Over-riding the tribe’s constitution, the Maori King, and Paramount Chief of the Tainui Iwi, Tuheitia, has dismissed Tania Martin, the democratically elected Chairwoman of Te Kauhanganui – the Tainui parliament. Her offence? Issuing a report sharply critical of the way the King and Te Arataura – his advisory board – have been managing the tribe’s resources. Her report has been interpreted as a direct thrust against the King’s mana – his authority and prestige. The equivalent in European law is lèse majesté – "injured majesty".

The test can be broken into three questions:

The first is whether or not the Tainui people, acting through their marae representatives, will challenge the King’s actions.

The second is whether or not the King and his advisors will allow themselves to be over-ruled by their own people.

And the third is whether or not the political leaders of Pakeha New Zealand will have anything to say about the political drama unfolding in the Waikato.

They should. Because Tainui’s drama is practically identical to the drama our own ancestors lived through more than 300 years ago. The rights and privileges which Members of Parliament still enjoy, and which we, as free citizens, hold dear, are all directly traceable to the bloody drama known as the English Civil War.

King Charles I found it intolerable that he was fiscally accountable to his own people through their Parliament. Believing that his political authority came directly from God, he refused to accept that his powers could be circumscribed in any way by the will of his subjects. When Parliament refused his demands for money, and declared his closest advisors traitors, the King, with 400 soldiers, tried to arrest the five politicians responsible. Forewarned, the parliamentary leaders escaped. London erupted in fury. Charles and his family fled, first to Oxford, then to Nottingham, where, on August 22nd 1642, he "raised his standard" – effectively declaring war upon his own subjects.

To date, King Tuheitia’s coup has been considerably more successful than King Charles’s. His dismissal and replacement of Te Kauhanganui Chairwoman, Ms Martin, is a fait accompli. It’s as if Charles had succeeded in arresting those five members of the House of Commons – leaving their stunned colleagues to debate their next move under the watchful eyes of the King’s musketeers.

That’s where the Tainui parliamentarians are now. They must either convene Te Kauhanganui in defiance of the King and reconfirm Ms Martin in the Chair, or accept that Tuheitia and Te Arataura have successfully asserted their right to manage Tainui’s affairs independently of, and without reference to either the local marae – or Te Kauhanganui.

What will Te Arataura’s next move be if Te Kauhanganui defies the King’s fait accompli and reinstates its discarded Chairwoman? If past practice is any guide, the Advisory Board will ask for a court injunction to enforce its executive authority.

Right there is where Tainui’s drama starts spilling out of the realm of Tuheitia and into the realm of Elizabeth II. So, right now, the Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, Attorney General, and every other New Zealand MP, need to start thinking about what their next move will be if the worst happens, and a Pakeha judge, by sanctioning the subversion of Tainui democracy, shreds Article Three of the Treaty of Waitangi.

If our political leaders do not step in and prevent Tuheitia from succeeding where Charles I failed, then more than the whanau and hapu of Tainui have reason to feel afraid. Because, at that moment, all of us – Maori and Pakeha alike – will know that John Key’s deal with the Maori Party, has solidified into a dangerously intimate and profoundly undemocratic alliance between the executive arm of the Pakeha state, and a small, legally protected clique of aristocratic Maori politicians and businessmen.

The very same combination of unaccountable political and economic power which our ancestors, for nine bloody years, fought a vicious civil war to break up and bring under their control.

This essay was originally published in The Dominion Post, The Timaru Herald, The Taranaki Daily News, The Otago Daily Times and The Greymouth Star of Friday, 10 December 2010.