Don't Mess With Me! The knowledge that a nation possesses nuclear weapons is usually enough to dissuade its enemies from launching any kind of attack or invasion. For those unfortunate states caught in the cross-hairs of the great powers, it is difficult to imagine a stronger incentive to risk everything on acquiring the ultimate guarantor of national independence.
WITH THE IMPORTANT EXCEPTION of Israel, no nation in
possession of nuclear weapons has ever been invaded. It is difficult to
conceive of a better incentive for any state threatened with aggression to risk
everything for the deadly technology History has taught it to esteem as the
ultimate guarantor of national independence.
Exactly how many nuclear weapons Israel possessed when she
was attacked by her Arab neighbours in 1973 is unclear, but she certainly
possessed some. Exactly how close she came to using them, however, remains even
more historically hazy.
To the south, the Israelis had the buffer of the Sinai
Peninsula in which to absorb Egypt’s thrust across the Suez Canal. In the
north, however, the situation was much more fraught. Had the Israeli Defence
Force not been able to halt the advance of Syria’s armoured columns in the
first 72 hours of the Yom Kippur War, Prime Minister Golda Meir may have
concluded that she had no choice except to threaten Damascus and Cairo with
obliteration if hostilities were not halted immediately and their troops
withdrawn.
In the deadly chess game that is nuclear strategy, the very
possibility that Israel might feel obliged to make such a threat, required the
United States to signal that a nuclear counter-threat against Israel, issued by
the Soviet Union in defence of its Arab allies, would not be countenanced. That
signal took the form of advancing the US armed forces to DEFCON 3 – a “Defence
Condition” positioned just two perilously short steps away from Armageddon.
The Nearest Run Thing You Ever Saw: The Israeli PM, Golda Meir and her Defence Minister, Moshe Dyan, visit the Golan Heights in the hours following the Syrian army's thwarted attack. Had things gone differently, Israel's leaders would have been forced to threaten the use of its small stockpile of nuclear weapons.
Fortunately for the world, the Russians were not about to
initiate World War III on behalf of Egypt and Syria. With the benefit of
hindsight it is also clear that the mere possibility of an Israeli nuclear
strike was sufficient for the leaders of Egypt and Syria to limit their
military and diplomatic objectives to the restoration of Sinai and the Golan
Heights, and the Israeli evacuation of the West Bank and Gaza.
In the light of these facts, the Israeli case is not as
exceptional as it might, at first, appear. Even when they possessed the
military resources to launch a war of annihilation against the State of Israel,
the Egyptians and the Syrians dared not do so. No one doubts the willingness of
the Jewish people to defend themselves against a second genocide with every
weapon at their disposal – including Israel’s atomic bombs. Like the biblical
hero Samson, Israel, in extremis,
will not hesitate to bring down the Temple upon the heads of its enemies – even
at the cost of being crushed itself.
These lessons in invulnerability were not lost on Israel’s
middle-eastern neighbours. Does anyone seriously suppose that the United States
and the United Kingdom would have launched a conventional invasion of Iraq if
Saddam Hussein had possessed even a small stockpile of nuclear weapons? And is
anyone truly surprised that the revolutionary government of the Islamic
Republic of Iran very early on began diverting resources to what Israel and the
United States were convinced was an all-out effort to create a nuclear arsenal?
That Iran has been persuaded to abandon its,
geopolitically-speaking, extremely strategically destabilising nuclear-weapons
programme, is not due entirely to the United Nations’ crippling economic
sanctions. The Iranians have witnessed the exemplary fate of, first, the Iraqi,
and then the Syrian, attempts to construct and operate a nuclear reactor
capable of enriching Uranium and/or producing weapons-grade Plutonium.
The Israelis call it the “Begin Doctrine” – after Prime
Minister Menachem Begin, who, in 1981, authorised a pre-emptive air-strike
against Saddam Hussein’s nuclear reactor at Osirak. Begin described Osirak’s
successful destruction as “anticipatory self-defence at its best”. In 2007 the
Israelis did it again. “Operation Orchard” utterly destroyed the nuclear
reactor constructed (with North Korean assistance) in the remote Deir ez-Zor
region of Syria.
Although the Iranians took the precaution of locating most
of their nuclear facilities deep underground, their military chiefs were never
entirely convinced that the Israelis wouldn’t deploy tactical nuclear weapons
to take them out. The bloodthirsty threats of Israel’s hard-line Prime
Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu (whose bellicosity frightens even his own
generals!) upped-the-ante still further. In 2015, sanctioned and intimidated,
the Iranians finally abandoned their bid for the ultimate guarantor.
One question, however, remains. Does Israel’s acceptance of Iran’s
diplomatic assurances have anything to do with Pakistan’s possession of nuclear
weapons?
This essay was
originally published in The Waikato Times, The Taranaki Daily News, The
Timaru Herald, The Otago Daily Times and The Greymouth Star of Friday, 22 January 2016.